This month we will be commemorating for the 62nd year running the carnage which engulfed the subcontinent in the name of religion — violence in the name of religion refuses to dissipate.
Yet again the land of five rivers has witnessed a spate of communal violence in which seven people were burnt alive, and much property and scores of houses ravaged.
After 62 years the perpetrators and the victims have changed, but the motives and background remain the same.
Last weekend around 100 houses were looted and burned in and around Gojra. A few weeks ago dozens of houses were sacked and torched in Kasur. In both these incidents the perpetrators were from the Muslim community and the victims hapless Christians, with allegations that members of the minority community had desecrated copies of the Quran. Whatever the truth of these allegations, the response was completely disproportionate and criminal.
Just as in 1947-48 when Muslims lost their lives at the hands of Hindus because of their religion and Hindus were killed by Muslims for the same reason, here too some elements targeted the Christian community because of its faith. Such shameful behaviour, which in 1947 created wounds so deep that they have yet to heal, is still common in Pakistan.
A number of commentators blame the current levels of intolerance (be it between Sunnis and Shias or between Muslims and Christians or Hindus) on the Islamisation policies of Ziaul Haq. No doubt Gen Zia brought in the Hudood Ordinances and the blasphemy laws, but the sentiments today do not simply have their roots in questionable laws introduced in the Zia era.
Even though Muslim-Christian riots invariably involve the issue of blasphemy, the central reason for the carnage which ensues is not the law but a general belief that violence in the name of religion is acceptable. Very few people were charged in either India or Pakistan for the 1947-48 massacres, nor were the perpetrators of the anti-Ahmedi riots in the 1950s brought to justice. Most instigators of Shia-Sunni violence also roam free, while the general tone after attacks on Christians has been of ‘forgiving and forgetting.’
When the last major attack on Christians took place in November 2005 in Sangla Hill in Punjab, I was involved in writing a full report of the incident for the National Council for Interfaith Dialogue led by the formidable Fr Francis Nadeem. During my research I attended many reconciliation meetings. The tone of all these meetings was very conciliatory and to an extent encouraging. However, at every meeting I heard ‘next time, we will not do this’ (several houses, churches and a convent school had been torched by a mob in Sangla Hill). After hearing that I always wondered, what would these people do the next time there was such an allegation? If they will not torch their houses, will they just shoot them? Also, why is there always a mention of a ‘next time’? Why should there ever be a ‘next time’?
Giving compensation to the victims (which was done in Shantinagar in 1997 and Sangla Hill in 2005) will never solve the problem since there is always the threat of a ‘next time’ which occurred later in Kasur and now in Gojra.
The sense of loss, the fear of another attack and the trust lost can perhaps never be reclaimed. As long as the perpetrators are not prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law and serious measures taken by the government to ensure a rapid and decisive response to such events, these incidents will continue to happen. Suspending police officers is only a piecemeal initiative. Prosecution for inciting and perpetrating violence, murder, civil unrest and terrorism are measures which will exhibit the seriousness of the government in tackling this menace.
In addition to the blasphemy allegation, the other thing common to the attacks is that they have so far been very well planned. No unruly mob consists of 30,000 people armed with everything from sticks to modern weapons as in Shantinagar. No unruly mob goes and buys sulphuric acid in the nearest big city and then plans an attack such as the one that took place in Sangla Hill. No unruly mob can successfully torch dozens of houses and then escape so easily as in Gojra.
It is clear that some aspects of the recent attacks have been clearly planned, either by local extremists or by national or international groups whose reading of religion is markedly different from that of the average Muslim’s. The failure of the local administration, which in all these incidents was a silent spectator, is inexcusable.
Whatever the specific motives behind a particular attack, it is clear that intolerance still thrives in Pakistan, be it against another religion or another sect. This attitude is the larger problem, and partly explains why adherents of a faith that espouses tolerance would torch the homes of those outside their religion.
Sixty-two years ago Pakistan was created because the Muslims of the subcontinent were not confident that India’s Hindu community would allow them to live in peace with full honour and dignity. Sixty-two years later, it is the Muslim community that is demonstrating that it cannot live peacefully with the adherents of other religions.
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