The demands of 24/7 television programming have transformed the figure of the maulvi from village simpleton to demagogue by providing a virtual pulpit that beams into the homes of millions.
In recent months, sharp minds have pointed out the impact of round-the-clock sermonising and politicians and broadcasters have conceded that media created the modern mullah. If we acknowledge the power television has as a mass medium, why do we continue to underestimate the role that illegal FM radio stations are playing in the Frontier province and Fata, especially in the context of militancy?
In the past few days, the US government has made alarmist statements about ongoing military operations and the fragility of the Pakistan government. Shoot-from-the-hip comments make it easy for Pakistanis to discredit the American understanding of ground realities. But an announcement in mid-April that American military and intelligence personnel are working to jam illegal radio stations in the tribal and settled areas indicates that they’re attuned to local dynamics. After all, winning the information war is a prerequisite to winning the war against terror.
Since 2005, illegal radio broadcasts and ‘FM mullahs’ — such as Maulana Fazlullah, Mangal Bagh and Mufti Munir Shakir — who rule the airwaves have been fuelling the spread of militancy. At last count, there were 150 illegal radio stations in Swat alone and over 50 across the tribal areas.
FM mullahs use the airwaves to sermonise, prescribe appropriate behaviour, incite villagers to engage in holy war, redefine the role of women in society, and intimidate populations by reciting the names of tribal leaders and security officials marked for death. Logistics such as the distribution of arms and mobilisation of militants are also coordinated on air. In Upper Dir, a female madressah was transmitting sermons explaining how women could contribute to ‘jihad’.
Since 2006, the government has made sporadic attempts to clamp down on illegal stations, often by raiding them or bombing them with mortar shells. Not surprisingly, the broadcasters always seem to bounce back: not only do FM mullahs recognise the importance of investing in the medium, but, in 2007, Fata-based technicians claimed they were manufacturing broadcasting equipment for less than Rs15,000.
Owing to their resilience, the US announcement about jamming illegal stations is a welcome intervention. If the Pakistan government has any intention of quelling militancy, they should do what it takes to purge the airwaves of inflammatory, extremist rhetoric. That means getting FM mullahs off the air, and then taking the extra step of enabling viable alternatives.
The fact is, the people of the tribal and settled areas comprise a captive radio audience. Many communities shun television as un-Islamic and it doesn’t help that cable infrastructure has yet to extend into the northern areas. In terms of radio, too, the residents of Fata have few options. They can either tune into Radio Pakistan or Radio Azadi, the Afghan service of Radio Free Europe: the former has spotty transmission and is viewed with suspicion for promoting the national viewpoint with little sensitivity for local issues. Meanwhile, the latter’s broadcasts focus on Afghan concerns. For news, listeners have to rely on the BBC or VOA, neither of which is able to fulfill the hunger for hyper-local information.
In this scenario, the illegal programming of firebrand clerics seems like an attractive option. The broadcasts are in local dialects and primarily air at convenient times with regard for a village’s routines. More importantly, illegal broadcasts refer to familiar locations and personalities, explicitly mention local issues such as land disputes or a shortage of resources and launch outreach initiatives that seamlessly transition from on-air to on-the-ground. The programming thus seems immediate and relevant.
Recognising the need for local programming to counter FM mullahs, the Fata Secretariat has licensed a handful of community radio stations. These, however, come saddled with programming restrictions that make the stations largely redundant. Official broadcasts are expected to remain apolitical, emphasise entertainment programming, and borrow heavily from Radio Pakistan. Indeed, some stations are mandated to broadcast Urdu-language segments from the state-owned broadcaster. How can such a bland, disconnected mish-mash of programming compete with the drama of an FM mullah?
There is an urgent need in Fata and the settled areas to fund and facilitate local radio programming that is secular, informative and culturally sensitive. The airtime that FM mullahs expend on hate speech and sermonising, official community radio stations should utilise for hyper-local news reports generated by residents of the tribal areas for their communities. Instead of mobilising the youth to wage jihad, community radio stations can help communities become civically engaged.
In the wake of the devastating 2005 earthquake, the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Pemra) showed surprising agility by licensing 10 non-commercial emergency FM stations for a three-month period. The decision was taken in light of the fact that 81 per cent of quake-affected homes had a radio set, while only 52 per cent had access to televisions.
Radio programming then played a vital role in ensuring the effective delivery of relief goods and services. Reports aired on the emergency stations often led to the supply of food and blankets and the restoration of phone lines and electricity. In far-flung villages, instances of corruption were reported in the dispensation of compensation money to victims. People called in to FM radio shows using cellphones to complain about discrepant amounts being issued by government representatives. As charges were documented on the air, the corruption largely ceased.
Learning from the success of community radio stations in that time of urgency and need, Pemra needs to step up to the new challenge posed by spreading militancy. It is essential that US efforts to jam illegal stations be supported. The government should also have the vision to license community radio stations in Fata and the Frontier province so that an information vacuum, which would frustrate residents of vulnerable communities, does not follow the cessation of illegal broadcasts. With a little regard for the power of radio programming, our government can still ensure that extremist rhetoric becomes nothing more than white noise.
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